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KRONOS Vol II, No. 2
Alexander At The Oracle
Copyright © 1976 by Immanuel Velikovsky
Note: This article is one of the chapters from Velikovsky's soon-to-be published book
PEOPLES OF THE SEA. See The Book Case on page 115 of this issue for details.
It is presently believed that there is no surviving original contemporary Egyptian account
of Alexander the Great's famous pilgrimage to the Oasis of Siwa which was situated 300 miles
southwest of Alexandria on the remote western border of Egypt and Libya. It was here that the great
oracle of the god Amon presided,. and it was here that Alexander came to consult the oracle. What
passed between them is not known for certain. Alexander died without disclosing the exact details
of the divine utterances he received and Egyptian sources have remained conspicuously silent on
Nevertheless, it would appear that an inscribed stone – the Maunier Stele – presently dated
to the Twenty-first Dynasty (and removed in time from Alexander by some 700 years) is, in fact, the
very document which pertains specifically to Alexander before the oracle. The somewhat enigmatic
Maunier Stele makes complete sense when juxtaposed with later Classical accounts of Alexander's
oracular visit; and this crucial piece of Egyptian evidence has only defied detection until now due
to chronological misplacement. Thus, a conversation between two individuals, which was
erroneously made to span several centuries, has now become synchronical once again.
* * * * *
ALEXANDER BEFORE THE ORACLE OF AMON IN THE OASIS
In the fall of -332 Alexander crossed the desert and came to Egypt. The Persian satrap, who
could not depend on the people of Egypt, offered no resistance. The population received Alexander
jubilantly. "The Egyptian people hailed him with joy as their deliverer from the Persian yoke."(1) He
sacrificed to Apis and brought royal Offerings; this implies that he was crowned king of Egypt where
"the Pharaoh was regarded as the incarnation of the greatest god."(2) He arranged athletic and
literary contests and took care also that the customs of Egypt and its religious services be held in
During Alexander's stay in Egypt a large group of captured rebels were brought to him from
the islands of the Aegean, and he banished the rebels of Chios – Appolonides and his followers – to
Yeb in southern Egypt. First he went some distance south; then he proceeded to the western mouth
of the Delta and had surveyors plan a large city – the future Alexandria. From there he visited the
oracle of Amon in the oasis of Siwa, where he was pronounced a son of Amon (Zeus) and the
incarnation of the god himself. Returning from the desert, he organized the administration of the
country and then, pressed by military considerations (at Tyre he rejected a peace offer by Darius), left
Egypt in the early spring of -331.
The most famous incident – his visit to the oracle of Amon – is described by a number of
authors; some of them used the no longer extant record of Callisthenes, who accompanied Alexander
on many marches and liked to boast that Alexander was famous not for what he did but for what
Callisthenes wrote about him. Ptolemaeus and Aristobulus and other contemporaries of Alexander –
their records are not extant – as well as Cleitarchus, a resident of Alexandria, who collected material
from eyewitnesses of Alexander's exploits, served as sources for the Greek and Roman authors of
following centuries who wrote about Alexander in Egypt.(3)
Egyptian sources are supposedly silent on Alexander's visit to the oracle of Amon in the
desert. But Alexander was not one of Egypt's regular visitors, and the oracle of Amon was the chief
sanctuary for the people of Egypt in the fourth century; therefore this silence on the subject of
Alexander's pilgrimage is enigmatic.
One of the most prominent documents of the period of the Twenty-first Dynasty is the so-called Stele of the Banished, or Maunier Stele, found in Luxor, now in the Louvre. The stele is in a
poor state of preservation ("very difficult to read"(4)). Its text deals with the oracle of Amon and the
affairs of the oasis. It was composed by a high priest of Amon, Menkheperre, son of Peinuzem.
Peinuzem was one of the priest-princes who rewrapped the royal mummies.
The text begins with the date: "Year 25, Third month of the Third season, day 29." After
some broken lines this follows: "The majesty of this August god was [again broken lines]. Then he
took his ways to the scribes, surveyors,(5) people." The high priest, described on the stele also as
"commander in chief of the army," is named: "Menkheperre, triumphant, son of King Peinuzem-Meriamon . . . companion of his footsteps."
The text proceeds:
The victor who expelled his enemies was received with rejoicing. In the first month of the third season
the following took place:
: Their hearts rejoiced because he had desired to come to the
South in might and victory, in order to make satisfied the heart of the land, and to expel his
: He arrived at the city with a glad heart; the youth of Thebes
received him, making jubilee, with an embassy before him. The majesty of this August god
. . . establish[ed] him [the high priest of Amon] upon the throne of his father, as High Priest
of Amon-Re, king of gods.
The victorious god – or the divine victor – accorded him honors and presents and confirmed
him in his office.
In the fourth month of the third season, on the fifth day of the feast of the "Birth of Isis,"
: The majesty of this August god, lord of gods, Amon-Re, king of gods,
appeared [in procession] , came to the great halls of the house of Amon, and rested before the
enclosure wall of Amon. The High Priest of Amon-Re, king of gods, commander in chief of the army,
Menkheperre, triumphant, went to him and praised him exceedingly, exceedingly, many times, and
he founded [for him] his offering, even [every] good thing.
Modern scholars assume that there are two actors in the story: the high priest and his god-oracle. These scholars wonder about the procedure: "It appears as if he had long been absent from
Thebes, and needed to secure the recognition of the god; it is by no means the condition of a resident
head of the priesthood."(6)
"His majesty" who arrived in the south as a victor is clearly not Menkheperre because he is
referred to in the same text as one whom his majesty confirmed in the office of high priest.
After the high priest of Amon had praised his divine visitor "exceedingly," and brought
offerings "for him," he started to interrogate the oracle.
The high priest asked about
: Then the high Priest of Amon, Menkheperre, triumphant,
recounted to him, saying:
"O my good lord, (when) there is a matter, shall one recount it?" Then the great god nodded
The end of the last sentence is most unexpected. A priest would speak to the god Amon as a son to
a father, but not as a father to a son. Nevertheless, the text of the stele says that the priest spoke to
the god as a father speaks to a son. The baffled translator of the text remarked: "The inversion of the
members of the comparison is in the original."(9)
:... the matter of these servants, against whom thou art wroth,
who are in the oasis, whither they are banished. Then the great god nodded exceedingly, while
this commander of the army [the high priest] with his hands uplifted, was praising his lord,
as a father talks with his own son.(8)
By repeating and developing his question, the priest succeeded in obtaining the answer that
the exiles who were in the oasis should be removed, and in the future no exiles should be banished
there. It was obviously important to the priest to make sure that this oracle of the god was made
known and observed. He said:
: "O my good lord, thou shalt make a great decree in thy name,
that no people of the land shall be banished to the distant region of the oasis –- from this day
on." Then the great god nodded exceedingly. –- "it shall be made into a decree upon a stele
and be set up in thy cities."
Making decrees and writing them on steles was the prerogative of kings.
The second question put by the priest to the oracle of Amon refers in some way to murderers,
whether they should be punished by execution.
: Then the High Priest of Amon, Menkheperre, triumphant, went
to the great god, saying: "As for any person, of whom they shall report before thee, A slayer
of living –- thou shalt destroy him, thou shalt slay him." Then the great god nodded
The combination of words in the question referred by the high priest to the oracle of Amon,
concerning the "slayer of living," appeared strange, and its meaning was asserted to be obscure; it
caused difficulty to its first (Brugsch) and later (Breasted) translators and resulted in the strained
passage just quoted.
Before the last question and the answer of the oracle to it, the text contains a sentence that
appears to be unrelated to the context: "While I was in the womb, when thou didst form [me] in the
egg," as if to the god Amon was attributed the physical creation of the divine lord while in a womb.
The stele contains also a request for benediction or for a prophecy of good fortune and
benevolence on the part of the gods: "Grant that I may spend a happy life . . . ." It was accompanied
by a question: "Will all achievement be my portion?"(10) The request is granted and the oracle
announces: "There is purity and health wherever thou tarriest."
The entire stele is regarded as cryptic. "The remarkable errand" of the priest "is intentionally
narrated in such veiled language that it is impossible to determine exactly what its nature was."(") But
we shall find the text clear.
The following circumstance must not be overlooked: the text discloses the fact that the priest
asked that a decree based upon the answers of the oracle should be placed in the cities of Egypt, and
the present stele, found in Luxor (Thebes), indicates that his request was carried out. Therefore the
oracle need not necessarily have been that of the Amon of the place where the stele was discovered.
The preoccupation with an oasis makes it apparent that the stele deals with the oracle of Amon of the
oasis. But we shall proceed best if we follow Alexander on his famous journey to the oracle of Amon.
He came from the north as victor and liberator of the country from its Persian enemies, whom
he expelled; he arranged festivals in the cities of Egypt and was joyfully acclaimed by the youth of the
country. He acknowledged and confirmed the civil and religious officials of the country, "permitted
the district governors to govern their own districts as had been their way all along."(12) "From
Memphis, ascending the river, the king penetrated to the interior of Egypt,"(13) and then "he sailed
downstream towards the sea" and "himself marked out the ground plan of the city [Alexandria I
.,,(14) There he directed the surveyors of the land, who measured the site and "ordered those in
charge of the work to proceed with it, while he himself set out for the temple of Amon."(15) He made
his journey to the oasis in the rainy season, for it is told that a rainfall helped him in the desert.
The castle in the middle of the oasis was surrounded by a triple wall. Quintus Curtius Rufus
wrote of it:
The first rampart encloses the ancient palace of their kings; within the second are
lodged the prince's wives, children, and concubines - here, likewise, is the oracle of the god;
in the outward circle of bastions were posted the royal armed attendants and bodyguards. (16)
This teaches us that the high priests of the oracle in the oasis claimed royal titles. Herodotus
(11, 32), who in the mid-fifth century wrote about the northern oasis in his description of Libya and
Egypt, said that a king ruled in the oasis of "the oracular shrine of Ammon."
Diodorus of Sicily gave a few more details about this home army:
Within the third wall were the lodgings of the archers and darters, and guard-houses
of those who attend as guards upon the prince when he walks abroad.(17)
From these descriptions we see that the priest of the oracle of Amon in the oasis was a prince
who had an army of his own, which fact explains the titles used in the stele: prince, priest, commander
of the army.
When Alexander and his guard arrived at the outer wall surrounding the castle, the chief priest
came out and saluted the king. In the language of Plutarch:
When Alexander had passed through the desert and was come to the place of the
oracle, the prophet of Amon gave him salutation from the god as from a father.(18)
Strabo, who cited Callisthenes, wrote:
The priest permitted the king alone to pass into the temple in his usual dress, but the
rest changed their clothes; ... all heard the oracles from outside except Alexander, but he
The flattery with which the priest addressed Alexander on meeting him before the wall is
mentioned by several authors: so Curtius Rufus speaks of "concerted adulation" accorded by the
priest to Alexander. The stele says:
: The majesty of this August god, lord of gods, Amon-Re . . .
came to the great halls of the house of Amon, and rested before the enclosure wall of Amon.
The High Priest . . . Menkheperre, triumphant, went to him and praised him exceedingly,
exceedingly, many times, and he founded [for him] his offering, even [every] good thing. (20)
The offering is mentioned by Plutarch: "Alexander made splendid offerings to the god." All
the authors who described this visit told about the way the priest addressed Alexander. Diodorus
When Alexander was introduced by the priests into the temple, and saw the god, one
of the old prophets addressed himself to him, and said: "God save thee, my son, and this title
take along with thee from the god himself"
Alexander answered, "Your son I will ever be called."
Now we see that the words on the stele about the priest "praising his lord, as a father talks
with his own son," are not an "inversion of a comparison."
Curtius Rufus, too, wrote (IV, vii):
As the king was approaching, the senior priest saluted him "son," affirming, "that
his father, Jupiter [Amon] , bestowed that title."
This application of the term "son" to Alexander by the priest of Amon which is stressed by
Diodorus, Plutarch, and Curtius Rufus is important because of its singularity and because it makes
clear and verifies the otherwise absurd sentence of the stele.
The way in which this oracle answered questions was peculiar. On the stele it is repeatedly
said: "The great god nodded exceedingly, exceedingly." Diodorus said the same of the oracle of
Amon visited by Alexander: "The god by a nod of his head directs them." Strabo, too, dwelt on
The oracular responses were not, as at Delphi and among the Branchidae, given in
words, but mostly by nods and tokens, as in Homer, "Cronion spoke and nodded assent
with Ms dark brows," the prophet having assumed the role of Zeus; however, the fellow
expressly told the king that he, Alexander, was son of Zeus.
Here is a further reason why the priest spoke to his idol and to Alexander in similar
fashion (calling both god Amon): Alexander was proclaimed an incarnation of the god Amon
(Zeus) himself. Moreover, he was assured of being a physical son of Amon. The words on the
stele telling the divine victor that Amon formed him in the egg gain in meaning.
Alexander "not only suffered himself to be called Jupiter's son, but required it." "When
fortune has induced men to confide entirely in herself, she commonly makes them more avaricious
of glory than able to sustain it."(21)
From the Great Harris Papyrus dating from the reign of Ramses III or IV, it is known that
exiles were regularly sent to the southern oasis to do forced labor in the gardens belonging to the
temple. From antiquity to Christian times the southern oasis was a deportation place for offenders.
Before Alexander came to the oasis of the oracle of Amon he sent some of his enemies, brought
to him from Chios, to Heb, misunderstood by Greek authors as Yeb, which was Elephantine on
the Nile; but Heb was the name of the southern Oasis.(22)
The priest of the oracle of Amon was very anxious for the king to decree that no exiles
should be sent to the oases.
The question that interested Alexander was, according to Diodorus:
Curtius Rufus tells it this way (IV, vii):
"Whether I have executed justice upon all my father's murderers, or whether any
have escaped?" At which the oracle cried out, "Express thyself better, for no mortal can
kill thy father, but all the murderers of Philip have suffered just punishment."(23)
Plutarch's version is similar (XXVII of Alexander):
The king proceeded to inquire, "Whether all who conspired the death of his father
had been punished?" The response was that "the crime of no one could hurt his father, but
that all the murderers of Philip had suffered punishment.
The prophet of Ammon gave him salutation from the god as from a father;
whereupon Alexander asked him whether any of the murderers of his father had escaped
him. To this the prophet answered by bidding him to be guarded in his speech, since his
was not a mortal father. Alexander therefore changed the form of his question and asked
whether the murderers of Philip had all been punished. ... The god gave answer that . . .
Philip was fully avenged.
Now we have the real meaning of the awkwardly translated sentence on the stele about the
punishment of the murderers. There is no sense in a question about whether murderers must be
punished; even without an oracle everyone knows that they must. The question actually was
whether all the murderers of Alexander's father had been punished, and the answer was: None of
the murderers (of Philip) escaped punishment.
The hieroglyphics on the stele, where the question was asked and the words "murderer"
and "living" were found in one sentence, were speaking not of the "murderer of the living" but
whether any assassin was still among the living. And the answer was not, "Thou shalt destroy him,
thou shalt slay him," but "Thou hast not failed to destroy him, to kill him."
Alexander also asked whether he would enjoy good fortune and whether the god would
give the entire world to his dominion, or in Plutarch's words, "Whether it was given to him to
become lord and master of all mankind?" To this the priest answered that "the god would
certainly bestow upon him what he had desired," and that "his wonderful successes and
prosperous achievements were evidences of his divine birth" (Diodorus); we remember the words
on the stele, "Grant that I may spend a happy life. . ." and "Will all achievement be my portion?"
Alexander "bestowed many rich and stately gifts upon the oracle"(24) and gave the priest
"large gifts of money,,,(25) or, in the words of the stele, "his majesty decreed to him many
The twenty-fifth year, the royal date of the stele, is a date connected with Alexander. He
was born in -356. On his visit to Egypt from the late fall of -332 to the spring of -331, he was in
his twenty fifth year. The royal years of Alexander must have begun with his birth, as he was
pronounced by the oracle the son of a god and not of a mortal.
The twenty-fifth year of the stele; the arrival of the victor who came to the south and freed
the country by expelling the enemies; the acclaim by the population of the country; the jubilation
and festivals; the confirmation of the priests; the work of surveying the land (for the new city); the
royal visit to the oracle of Amon with every little detail including the king's arrival before the
walled enclosure, the coming of the priest with blessings and flattery, the fact that the priest was a
hereditary prince and a – commander of archers and darters, his addressing "the majesty the king"
by the name of Amon and the title "son" that he gave to the royal guest and the assertion that he
was bodily formed by the god while in "an egg"; the curious way the oracle had of nodding
answers, the question about the exiles and the request for a royal decree, the question about the
murderers and whether any escaped punishment and were still among the living; the gifts to the
priest and the offerings to the god – all these are described by the Greek and Latin authors in the
story of Alexander's visit to the oracle of Amon in the oasis, as well as by the priest of the oracle
himself. Also the order of the questions and of the responses is exactly the same on the Stele of
the Banished and in Alexander's Greek and Latin biographies.
The stele dates from the fourth century; more precisely, from the early spring of -331.
Once again the so-called Twenty-first Dynasty reveals itself as that of the princes of the
oases, where they were established by the Persians to command the outposts on the Libyan front.
The stele of a priest-prince, Menkheperre, of the oracle of Amon of the Siwa oasis describes
Alexander's visit to that place; the accounts of the Greek authors agree with that of the priest-prince even in small details.
It has often been said that no Egyptian record of the visit of Alexander to the oracle of
Zeus-Amon in the oasis exists.(26) But this is not the case: the Stele of the Banished is such a
It is also said that we shall never know what answer Alexander received from the oracle in
the oasis, beyond what was reported by those who accompanied him, but who were not inside the
temple at the oracle's delivery. They reported that he promised to tell the secret to his mother
upon his return to Macedonia. Alexander "in a letter to his mother says that he received certain
secret responses which he would tell to her and to her alone" (Plutarch) - but he never returned
home. "What questions he [Alexander] put to the oracle, what answers he received - these are
problems which historians have debated ever since and to which we shall never know the correct
answer for Alexander kept his own counsel. He wrote to his mother telling her that he would
communicate his secret to her alone after his return; but since he did not go back to Macedonia it
died with him."(") This regret at our ignorance of the oracle's pronouncements and the resignation
as to the chance ever to learn of what went on between the king and the priest are also
unwarranted since we have the oracle's answers to Alexander's questions incised in stone of the
Stele of the Banished, prepared by the priest, the other person who participated in that famous but
* * * * *
DID ALEXANDER VISIT THE EGYPTIAN THEBES?
Alexander remained in Egypt from the fall of -332 to the spring of -331. Of his activities in
Egypt, his founding of Alexandria and his visit to the Siwa oasis are best known because they are
described by all his late Greek and Latin biographers; they, however, selected their material from no
longer extant writings of Alexander's companions on his campaign of conquest of Asia and Egypt in
Africa. Cleitarchus, a resident of Alexandria soon after its founding, collected written and oral
information about Alexander in order to compose a biography. His work is known mainly through
quotes and references in later writers.
The problem that we shall raise now is a minor one: did or did not Alexander visit Thebes,
the capital of Upper Egypt? In the descriptions of his sojourn in Egypt, as found in late biographies,
such information is absent and it seems as if he limited his itinerary to the Delta or Lower Egypt, its
old capital Memphis being named, and the future site of Alexandria, and the desert road to the
northern oasis. As to this journey, the testimonies of Ptolemy and Callisthenes contradict - whereas
one has it that Alexander returned by the same route he went, namely, along the coast and then
southward, the other gives a return route by an entirely inland route. From among the late authors,
Curtius Rufus injects a sentence quoted by me on an earlier page; "From Memphis, ascending the
river, the king penetrated to the interior of Egypt," but in a passage close to the end of his narrative
the same author states: "Alexander felt a strong inclination . . . to visit the interior of Egypt, and even
Ethiopia. The celebrated palace of Memnon and Tithonus was about to draw him, eager to explore
antiquity, almost as far as the Tropic of Cancer. But the impending war. . . denied time."
By the palace of Memnon, Curtius Rufus must have meant the temple of Luxor built by
Amenhotep III since his colossal seated statues on the western plain of Thebes, across the Nile from
Luxor, were known in the Greek world as representing the legendary Memnon.(28) Thus it appears
that Curtius Rufus made Alexander penetrate the interior of Egypt up the river, but not as far as
Aswan, close to the Tropic of Cancer, not even as far as Thebes.
The nature of Alexander, curious, exploring, and also vain, would hardly let him omit a visit
to the temples of the ancient capital known to him from reading Homer: Achilles, Alexander's
foremost hero, speaks of the unexcelled riches of the hundred-gated Thebes with two hundred
chariots to each gate; to the Greeks it was the most splendid city in the entire world. Even today
Thebes yearly draws many tourists. As the son of the god Amon, Alexander must have felt a strong
inclination to visit the majestic temple of Amon in Karnak - the eastern Thebes: he did not spare
himself the discomfort of the desert travel to Siwa, a journey of many days, and a comfortable boat
could take him to Thebes in a shorter time. He spent full half a year tarrying in Egypt and was not
prevented by considerations of shortness of time from sailing up the stream to Thebes. Also it is
proper to suppose that in order to be crowned king of Upper and Lower Egypt, the title he assumed,
he would have had to appear for a ceremony at Thebes as well as Memphis.
In the Luxor and Karnak temples of Amon, Alexander built votive chambers, and some of the
bas-reliefs with Alexander on them are still preserved and shown to tourists. These votive chambers
strongly convey the idea that Alexander visited Thebes and sacrificed there to Amon, the supreme
deity of the Egyptian pantheon.
From the Stele of the Banished (Maunier Stele) the same conclusion can be drawn. "Their
[people's] hearts rejoiced because [his majesty] had desired to come to the South in might and victory,
in order to make satisfied the heart of the land, and to expel his enemies...... The reference to "South"
could conceivably mean merely that the king arrived in Egypt from the north – he came from
Macedonia via Anatolia, Syria, and Palestine - but the next passage reads: "He arrived at the city with
a glad heart; the youth of Thebes received him, making jubilee, with an embassy before him." The
damaged stele, in the next sentence, has a reference to his majesty establishing Menkheperre "upon
the throne of his father, as High Priest of Amon-Re, king of gods, commander in chief of the armies
of the South and North." It would be an extremely strained supposition to assume that the "jubilee"
was all for the high priest who arrived at Thebes, upon his appointment, and not for "his majesty"
who appointed or confirmed him in his hereditary post.
The votive inscription of Alexander in the Amon temple at Karnak deserves some renewed
attention on the part of archaeologists. Thutmose III was known by the royal nomen Menkheperre.
This was, as we learned, also the name of the prince-priest who received Alexander in the oasis.
Therefore, it would be worthwhile to reexamine the extant parts of the inscription in order to decide
whether it is correct to say that "Alexander built a votive chamber for Thutmose Ill." It could be so,
since Thutmose III was the greatest military hero of Egyptian history, who lived and warred six hundred years before Alexander(19); but could it not be that the name Menkheperre there refers to the
high priest and would not Menkheperre himself be the one to take care that Alexander's name or
figure should be carved in Karnak in some relation to himself'? A son of Menkheperre, as we shall
see, wrote a long inscription about some trivial matter on the walls of Karnak and would a much more
important event be omitted from mention there by his father? The Stele of the Banished was actually
found in Luxor, the other temple compound of Thebes. Yet there are strong indices that the chapel
Alexander built was, as is usually thought, in honor of the famous ancient pharaoh.
"The Oracle of Amun at Siwa was a branch of that of Thebes."(30) This also explains why
Menkheperre should be active in both places. Either before his pilgrimage to the oasis or upon his
return from there, Alexander visited Thebes.
1. U. Wilcken, Alexander the Great (London, 1932), p. 11 3.
2. Ibid., p. 11 5.
3. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 111; Diodorus; Plutarch.
4. Breasted, Ancient Records, Vol. IV, Sec. 650, note.
5. Breasted translates this as "inspectors." Brugsch translates the sentence: "Da legte er den
Weg zuruck zu den Schreibern, den Vermessem und zu den Leuten." H. Brugsch, Reise
nach der Grossen Oase (1878), p. 86.
6. Petrie, History of Egypt from the XlXth to the XXXth Dynasties, VoL III, p. 211.
7. Breasted, Records, Vol. IV, Sec. 655.
9. Ibid., note.
10. Brugsch's translation: "Wird mir aller Lohn zu Theil?" Brugsch, Recueil
de monuments egyptiens (Leipzig, 1862-85), I, 39 ff., and his Reise nach der Grossen Oase.
11. Breasted, Ancient Records, Vol. IV, Sec. 650.
12. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 111, 1.
13. Quintus Curtius Rufus, The History of the Life and Reign of Alexander the Great,
trans. P. Pratt (London, 1809), IV, VII.
14. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, III, 1.
15. Plutarch, Lives, Alexander, trans. B. Perrin (Loeb Classical Library, 1919), XXVI.
16. Curtius Rufus, The History of the Life and Reign of Alexander the Great, IV, VII.
17. Diodorus, The Historical Library, XVII, S.
18. Plutarch, Lives, Alexander, XXVII.
19. Strabo, The Geography, XVII, i, 43.
20. Breasted, Ancient Records, Vol. IV, Sec. 654.
21. Curtius Rufus, The History of the Life and Reign of Alexander the Great, IV, Chap. vii.
22. "Der Name des Tempels, oder vielmehr der brtlichkeit, dessen Cultusmittelpunkt er
bildete, wird unzihlige Male in den Texten genannt: er lautete Heb oder Hib." Brugsch,
Reise nach der Grossen Oase, pp. 19 and 25 ff. Cf. also the chapter "The Great Oasis as
a Place of Exile in Antiquity," Ibid., p. 83.
23. Diodorus, The Historical Library, XVII, 5.
25. Plutarch, Lives, Alexander, XXVII, 4.
26. J. Grafton Milne, "Alexander at the Oasis of Ammon" in Miscellanea Gregoriana
(Vatican, 1941), p. 148.
27. H. ldris Bell, Egypt from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest
(Oxford, 1948), p. 30.
28. See my Oedipus and Akhnaton, p. 3 8.
29. Ages in Chaos, 1, pp. 143-77.
30. Fakhri, Siwa Oasis, p. 42.