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KRONOS Vol II, No. 1



In Ages in Chaos, Immanuel Velikovsky devoted no less than three chapters to a detailed discussion and analysis of the royal correspondence of the Pharaoh Akhnaton and his father, Amenhotep III.(1) Velikovsky's intent was to show why that correspondence, commonly known as the el-Amarna letters, should be dated in the ninth century B. C. as opposed to its present placement in the fourteenth.

Contained in Velikovsky's overall discourse, is the identification of various dramatis personae of the alleged fourteenth century B. C. correspondence with their "alter egos" of the ninth century B. C. Thus, it is argued that Burnaburiash of Babylon is one and the same as Shalmaneser III;(2) while Abdi-Hiba, Rib-Addi, and Abdi-Ashirta are actually seen to be Jehoshaphat, Ahab, and Ben-Hadad ninth century kings of Jerusalem, Samaria, and Damascus, respectively.(3)

One individual mentioned vividly in the el-Amarna letters, but not identified by Velikovsky, is Abimilki, king of Tyre.(4) It is Abimilki who now requires a ninth century B. C. identification; and it is to him and to the royal register of ninth century Tyre that we must now turn.


The name Pygmalion belongs to a pair of royal figures in eastern Mediterranean legend and history. The better known of the two is the prince of Cyprus who fell in love, according to Ovid and others, with an ivory idol of the goddess Aphrodite. Eventually, the goddess takes pity on Pygmalion's desire and endows the statue with life, whereupon it becomes his future wife, Galatea.(5)

"In fact the historical Pygmalion whatever his real name may have been seems to have been the husband of a Cypriot priestess of Astarte, and to have secured the famous white fetish of Paphos in order to ensure his power over the precinct."(6)

Hardly less nebulous is the Pygmalion listed as a king of Tyre in the chronicles of the kings of that city written in a lost book by Menander of Ephesus. This author, we are assured by Josephus, used the royal records of the Tyrians.(7) The Cypriot prince appears to have been a son of Canaan also, though Greek writers invariably chose to call him and his Tyrian namesake "Phoenician".

The Tyrian's place in history was established by the feat of his sister Elissa, more famous as Dido, who is purported to have founded the city of Carthage.(8) The regnal dates for Pygmalion are, therefore, fixed by the accepted date of 814 B. C. for the founding of Carthage. This crucial chronological point will be discussed in greater detail below.


With the help of Biblical Hebrew, we can read Canaanite. It is thus possible to obtain the meaning and original form of every "Phoenician" name on dynastic record except that of Pygmalion. A suggestion that its form, in the mother-tongue, was Pu'myaton (Pummayyaton) seems plausible to many scholars after that name was discovered on an inscription from Carthage.(9) Additionally, the Nora Stone from the coast of southern Sardinia bears witness to the colonial enterprise of Tyre in the ninth century B. C. "Tyre, mother of Kition-Larnaca [Cyprus], and its god Pumiy".(10)

There was, according to G. A. Cooke, a kingnamed Pumi-yathon, the son of Milk-yathon, who ruled at Idalium in Cyprus until Ptolemy I of Egypt deposed him ca.312 B.C.(11) Diodorus Siculus (xix, 79.4), on the other hand, calls the same king Pygmalion a name which Cooke considers to be only a Greek variation of Pumi-yathon. Yet, the names Pygmalion and Astarte have been found together on a gold medallion discovered in a grave where Carthage used to flourish; and Cooke believes that "the form of the name must be due to Greek influence" merely indicating how deeply the spell of Hellenism penetrated the Tyrian metropolis.(11a)

Nevertheless, the derivation of Pygmalion from Pu'myaton has been rejected by Cyrus Gordon, the noted philologist. Gordon prefers to see in this puzzling name the Semitic terms Pi (meaning mouth) and Gml, a "theophoric element" found in Canaanite documents from Ugarit.(12)

Gordon's suggestion appears rather tenuous, however. Therefore, a third solution is offered.

A glance at the syllables of the name Pygmalion suggests the possibility that we have here a Greek sarcasm (pngmain) intended to make fun of the king's stature, corporeal if not intellectual, yet recognisable as his real name. It would have been child's play for the pirates and ship-wreckers, whom Thucydides described as the ancestors of the Greeks, to confuse deliberately the Canaanite king's name with their word for a dwarf or the length between elbows and knuckles, from which the word pygmy is derived.(13)

The connotative aspects of the name Pygmalion are not in the least unusual when one considers Velikovsky's case for identifying the Pharaoh Akhnaton with the tragic Greek ruler Oedipus. The latter name means "swollen legs".(14) Nor is the name Pygmalion any more outlandish than the Egyptian Pharaoh known as Psammetichus, a name which means "negus-vendor" and is akin to "lemonade vendor".(15) Thus, Abimilki could have become Pygmalion.

Furthermore, there is an outside possibility that the sardonic Greeks may have actually followed a standard linguistic practice if, in fact, they did convert Abimilki into Pygmalion. The variation of consonants and shifting of vowels was one of the most prominent features of all languages employed in the general area known to the Greeks as Phoenicia (i.e., the Canaan of the Bible).

As an example, take the name of the sea goddess who was adored in the city of Ashquelon under the name Derceto.(16) This mermaid was also known to the Greeks as Atargatis. One can easily see how the latter was probably modified to form Derceto, but there is some difficulty in detecting how both names developed from a Greek corruption of Attar, the Aramaic form of Astarte.(17) Additionally, Hewsen has already drawn attention to the way that the Greeks could turn Ashurbanipal into Sardanapalus.(18)

Be that as it may, the proposed identification of Abimilki with Pygmalion must not rest on linguistical grounds alone. An examination of the el-Amarna correspondence, in conjunction with the known historical events of Pygmalion's own day, should help to provide the necessary data for our equation. Therefore, this material will be dealt with in due course.

As an aside, putting Abimelek (Abimilki) in the place of Pygmalion, in the Tyrian records, could solve an incidental riddle of those documents namely the mystery of the absence from Menander's royal lists of any name carrying homage to Melek (Molech, Moloch), one of the most fervently adored gods in the Canaanite pantheon.(19) The chief god of Tyre in particular and of the Phoenicians in general was Melqart and "the name Melqart, too, includes the word milk, and means 'ruler of the city (qart)' .... His importance at Carthage, which for long years sent annual homage and tithes to Melqart's shrine at Tyre, is indicated by the number of names like Hamilcar and Bomilcar that occurred there."(20)

Ashqelon, like Tyre, though a Philistine metropolis, worshipped divinities of Canaan. She also may have enjoyed, together with nearby Philistine towns, the habit of naming her kings after those gods. That would explain why the king of Gath named, in the book of Samuel, Achish (the Greek Acis) became, at the opening of Psalm 34, Abimelech. Robertson Smith, in the ninth edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica (1878, I, 49), suggested that Abimelech (Abimelek) was most likely a royal appellation of many Canaanite and Philistine kings, precisely like Adon, which evolved from the name of a north Semite god of youth into a general noun meaning Lord. In a similar way the Semitic word for king emerged from popular usage of a divine name Melech, familiar to us from the English Bible as Moloch, the child consumer. This deity was served in the days of "Pygmalion" by a priest who became the husband of his sister.(21)

According to Roman legend, this priest, commonly called Sicharbas (which indicates that in Canaanite he was called something like Sicharbaal "Remembrance of Baal") was murdered by Dido's brother, who coveted his wealth.(22) On discovering the crime, states the legend, Dido ran away from her bloody brother and sailed to North Africa to make a new home for herself. "And in the seventh year of his [Pygmalion's] reign," wrote the Ephesian Menander, "his sister fled away from him, and built the city of Carthage in Libya."(23)


The date of Carthage's founding is a formidable problem for both the historian and archaeologist. "Myth and fact have become inextricably entwined and the founding of Carthage is one of the most difficult problems of history .... When Scipio ordered the burning of Carthage in 146 B.C., the City Archives, the Annals, and the scribal lists of suffetes [judges; compare the Bible's Shoffetim] were destroyed, and with them any documents which might have enabled us to find out how long Carthage had, indeed, existed. Given this shortage of Punic texts, modern historians have to rely on Greek and Roman versions of the story of the foundation of Carthage. These versions disagree, however, not only with each other, but also with archaeological data."(24)

At present, a date of 814 B.`C. for the founding of Carthage is the most widely accepted, though this acceptance appears to be more for convenience' sake than anything else. The date comes down to us from the writings of the third century B. C. historian, Timaeus.

"For the foundation of Carthage," says B. H. Warmington, "the date almost universally accepted was thirty-eight years before the first Olympiad, i.e. 814."(25) This date, obtained from classical quotations of Timaeus, a Sicilian Greek, may or may not be justified. On the one hand, "as a Sicilian he certainly had the opportunity of finding out the Carthaginians' own version of the foundation of their city."(26) Yet, no one has ever unequivocally established that Timaeus was acquainted with any archives of Carthage or her colonies. It is possible that he learned his Olympic date from hearsay, and that it referred to some urban event later than the actual settlement of the community, such as the founding of the council of Suffetes, the Chieftains or Judges of the city who headed its dominant families.

Athens, it should be recalled, dated her history from the founding of the council of Archons. The reason for the preference of 814 B. C. from Timaeus is that archaeology has so far found nothing in the region of Carthage it feels free to date earlier than the middle of the eighth century. As an example, German erudition dates all artifacts from the region "basically by their association with Greek and Egyptian imported objects." One would imagine that the ghastly confusion prevailing in Greek and Egyptian chronology in any period prior to the Macedonian conquest would warn scholars away from this incautious mode of dating things.

Certainly, the testimony of Menander of Ephesus, derived from his study of the municipal documents of Tyre, the mother-city of Carthage, ought to outweigh the bare word of the Sicilian who set the foundation of Carthage eleven to twelve years later than Menander's date.

The date provided by Timaeus is clearly contradicted by Josephus (Against Apion, I. 125-126) whose polemic offers 826 B. C. as a possible date for the founding of Carthage. Appian, in his Roman History (Book VIII, I. 1), also disagrees with Timaeus. Appian puts Carthage fifty years before the fall of Troy and in the same book (Chap. 132) places the foundation of Carthage 700 years before its destruction, i.e., in 846 B. C. By the reckoning of Trogus Pompeius, in his long vanished Philippic History, Elissa-Dido established Carthage seventy-two years before the founding of Rome which then yields a date of 825 B. C. for the Phoenician colony, in agreement with Josephus/Menander.(27)

In the final analysis, however, it is prudent to keep the admonition of Warmington in mind: "It is not possible to put much faith in Greek accounts of the history of non-Greek peoples, especially of early date, about which their exact knowledge was negligible.

"Turning to the archaeological evidence for the expansion of the Phoenicians in the western Mediterranean, it is convenient first to state briefly that nothing Phoenician has been discovered which has to be dated to before about 750."(23)

The importance of arriving at an approximate date for the founding of Carthage, within the context of this present article, has to do with the regnal dating of the individual called Pygmalion. "He lived fifty-six years and reigned forty-seven," says Josephus.(29) In terms of the Current Era, the reign of Pygmalion-Abimilki could have begun anytime between 853 and 821 B. C., though conventional chronology ostensibly favors the latter date.(30)


According to the revised chronology, the Pharaoh Akhnaton and the el-Amarna letters ascribed to him would date to ca. 840 B. C. instead of the fourteenth century.(31)

This would be far too early for any correspondence from the hand of Pygmalion-Abimilki who, according to modern supposition, first ascended his throne at the age of ten in 821 B. C. However, it must be carefully borne in mind that Pygmalion's accession date depends entirely upon the acceptance of 814 B.C.* as the date for the founding of Carthage a date already shown to be highly suspect.

[* Elissa-Dido supposedly first built the city of Carthage in the seventh year of Pygmalion's reign as indicated above.]

From the literary sources alone, Carthage could have been founded in 846 B. C., 826-825 B. C., or 814 B. C. Yet, at present, archaeology supports none of these dates. It is thus conceivable that PygmalionAbimilki occupied the throne of Tyre as early as 833 B. C. or even 853 B. C. though a median date closer to the former figure appears more tenable.

Furthermore (as Colburn has argued elsewhere in this issue(32)), according to the revised chronology, the Pharaoh Akhnaton could have ruled in Egypt at least until 834/833 B. C. before being deposed. Pygmalion-Abimilki would, therefore, have had ample opportunity to correspond with Akhnaton during that period of time when Assyria, led by Shalmaneser III (858-824 B. C.), attempted to overrun the entire Near East. There is also the distinct possibility that Pygmalion-Abimilki could have written a letter intended for Akhnaton at a time when that Pharaoh had already been supplanted on the throne by Semenkhkare or Tutankhamon.


According to Roman legend, in the scheme of Vergil's Aeneid, the father of Pygmalion was named Belus the god Baal(33) while Mattan is the form of the father's name given by Josephus based on the account of Menander of Ephesus.(34) Josephus/Menander informs us that Mattan-Baal reigned nine years.(35)

Sometime after the death of Mattan-Baal's father Baalazor(36) Shalmaneser III came to fight Hazael, the king of Damascus, at Mount Shenir opposite Lebanon. Shalmaneser claimed that he won a victory there, and boasted that he raised a statue of himself on the mountain of "Baalirasi at the head of the sea" (that is a cape).

"At the time," according to his monument famed as the Black Obelisk, he "received gifts from the land of Tyre, from the land of Sidon, from Iaua, son of Khumri."(37) Apparently Jehu, fresh from the killing of King Jehoram of Israel and Ahaziah of Judah, and Jehoram's mother Jezebel, had left Shalmaneser with the impression that he was a legitimate monarch of the Beth Omri.

In reality, it is unlikely that the battle of Mount Shenir hurt Hazael deeply. He came to it strong from the capture of Damascus and the assassination of its king, Ben-Hadad. Indeed, the prophet Elisha, almost as familiar with Aram (Syria) as with his native Israel, had foretold Hazael's bloody triumph over Damascus.(38) Shortly after the clash at Shenir, Hazael marched to attack and subdue Shomron (Samaria), the capital of Israel. He then made King Jehu his slave.

Velikovsky's proof that the Biblical Hazael is identical with Azira of the Amarna records abides without a phrase of refutation.

Jehu probably clamored to Shalmaneser for rescue from Aram; and sometime around 839 B.C., the Assyrian shook armed fists at the despot of Damascus, but Hazael soon learned that he would be secure from the ferocity of Nineveh. The Medes and the wild mountain men of Ararat and Lake Van kept the Assyrians occupied in border warfare. For over thirty years, Aram dominated not only the kingdom of Israel but the Canaanite coast, and wrung tribute from the Philistines and Judah as well.

The dark story of Abimilki, his dealing with Shalmaneser and dread of Hazael may be read, in this writer's view, in records which academic Egyptology insists upon dating more than five centuries earlier. So far, no one but Immanuel Velikovsky has discerned that the el-Amarna tablets, containing the correspondence of the Pharaoh Akhnaton, tell the tale of Tyre and Nineveh, Samaria and Damascus, as outlined here.(39)

Velikovsky never alludes to Pygmalion; he calls the king of Tyre by the name Abimilki which was signed on the clay archives of Akhnaton. This revision of ancient Near Eastern history which makes Akhnaton a contemporary with Ahab of Israel and a possible imitator of Israelite literature and theology! has put Velikovsky beyond the pale of polite scholarship for those who think monotheism commenced at Akhetaton (Tell el-Amarna).(40)

Yet, listen to the plea John D. S. Pendlebury made in 1939:

"It is very hard to make the existing remains [of ancient Cretan civilization] cover the six hundred years demanded by the usual chronology, and any lowering of dates by Egyptologists would be most welcome."(41)

The efforts of a few erudite persons, in matters Egyptian, to answer this modest proposal favorably, have been meagerly gratifying and far from satisfactory.

Most welcome was the discovery by Dr. Elizabeth K. Ralph, director of the radio-carbon laboratory at the University of Pennsylvania Museum, that three pieces of Lebanon cedar taken from the tomb of Tutankhamon, the son-in-law (perhaps the son as well) of Akhnaton, could reasonably be dated to 1030 B. C. + 50 years, in accord with the Libby estimate of radio-carbon "half life" (5568 yrs.).(42) Ralph's revelation was followed by radio-carbon tests of the British Museum, seven years later, in the spring of 1971, on palm nut kernels and reeds from Tutankhamon's tomb. These plant samples were dated to ca. 899 B. C. (BM 642B) and ca. 846 B. C. (BM 642A), respectively. The results were never published, however, and even the very performance of the tests was denied when an inquiry was made to the British Museum in early 1973.(43)

Following Velikovsky, it is desirable to call fresh attention to the documents of the short-lived city of Akhetaton, where Akhnaton kept his archives written in the Akkadian language (closely related to Canaanite). Let us specifically examine the letters to the Pharaoh sent by the Tyrian prince Abimilki.

It has been assumed that these letters by Abimilki were sent to Akhnaton alone, since they salute the receiver by that Pharaoh's dearest title, "the King my Lord my Sun my God." and appear to concern events of his reign.

The most famous of Abimilki's epistles to Egypt goes as follows:

"The King my Lord has written to me: What you hear about Canaan (Kinahna) write to me. The King of Danuna is dead, and his brother has become king in his place, and his land is quiet. And fire has devoured Ugarit, the town of the King: half the city has been devoured and its (other) half is lost, and the people of the army of Hatti are not (there). Etagama, Lord of Kidsi, and Azira have begun attacks against Biriawazi. I have seen the destruction done by Zimrida, who has collected ships (and) men from towns of Azira against me."(44)

Additionally, the prince of Tyre refers to himself as a "slave of tears". The reference to Ugarit in this letter should help us to date it, owing to the fact that we have more records about that city than any other reported on by Abimilki.

Archaeologists have noted a strong influence of Cypriot industry and art on Ugarit; in turn, Cyprus, the island of Aphrodite, owed her handicraft riches and beauties to the colonial energy of the Sidonian people ruled by Tyre. Yet, the archaeologists have left mysterious the camage that ended the maritime splendor of Ugarit. In its ruins, they found a broken proclamation warning the people in the Hebrew tongue that "the Yaman [Ionians], the people of Didyme, the Khar [Carians], Alasians [Cypriots], all foreigners, together with the king Nikmed," would not be allowed to live in Ugarit.(45)

The identity of the invader who decreed this may be surmised from a scouring of Semitic documents that bear the name of Nikmed, the king of a Canaanite port. We have such a record in the inscriptions of Shalmaneser III, the King of Assyria, whose terrific drives into Canaan between 858 and 838 can still cause shuddering from his bragging bricks and Black Obelisk. Twice on his monuments he boasted how, in his fourth regnal year (855), he menaced the Syrian coast. "To the cities of Nikdime [and] Nikdiera I drew near. They became frightened at my mighty awe-inspiring weapons and my grim warfare, cast themselves upon the sea in wicker [?] boats . I followed after them in boats of , fought a great battle on the sea, defeated them, and with their blood I dyed the sea like wool."(46)

There is little doubt that Nikdime is a personal name, indicating some Nikodemos or perhaps Nikomedes, a chief or tyrant forgotten in Ionian sea lore.(47) We know of no western port renowned for its red wool dye, having a king with a name like Nikdime, which fits the description by Shalmaneser better than Ugarit. He apparently invaded the Canaanite country at the head of a coalition force, but "the army of Hatti" had already evacuated Ugarit when Abimilki made his report to Egypt. How long after that disaster of 855 B. C. he described the charnelled Ugarit, we cannot tell.

Referring back to the correspondence of Pygmalion-Abimilki, we find that Etagama of Kidsi is unknown to us. However, Azira, son of Abdi-Ashirta, is a scoundrel almost individualised to students of the Amarna tablets. Their reports of his campaigns will apply to no despot of Syria more directly than to Hazael of Damascus. One need not be a lambdacist to recognize, as Velikovsky was the first to do, the likeness between Hazael and Azira.(48) Zimrida, whose havoc Abimilki had witnessed, appears to have been Lord of Sidon. The Damascan probably joined with Zimrida to attack Tyre shortly after the death of Mattan-Baal.

At that time, there must have been a regent protecting the ten-year-old "Pygmalion" and Tyre. It was probably his uncle Sicharbas (Acerbas) who was also the husband of "Pygmalion's" sister, Elissa-Dido. (Pygmalion-Abimilki eventually murdered Sicharbas, but was prevented from pursuing Elissa through the efforts of his own mother together with the aid of "inspired augurs".) By that time, the royalty of Tyre all relied on Egypt for militant help. However, according to the revised chronology, Akhnaton was then the Pharaoh, a dreamer utterly oblivious to the fate of his tributaries in Canaan, and Tyre could expect little help from its Egyptian protector.

"The King is sun forever," wrote Abimilki, in what seems to be his final appeal for help. "The King has commanded," Abimilki reminded his Egyptian master, "that breath be given to his servant and the servant of Shalmaiati, and that water be given for him to drink. But they have not done what the King, my Lord, commanded. They have not given it. So now let the King care for the servant of Shalmaiati that water be given for the sake of his life." In this last letter, the Tyrian calls himself the servant not only of the Pharaoh but also of the despot of Assyria Shalmaneser III who is most probably the Shalmaiati referred to in the correspondence. The thirsty city of Tyre could expect no relief from Shalmaneser, and the warlord could no longer be denied the tribute his threats extorted.(49)

The Prince of Tyre apparently took some liberties with the name of his distant oppressor, just as the prophet Hosea is supposed to have treated Shalmaneser III when he mentioned the murderous "Shalman".(50) Pygmalion-Abimilki sadly calls Tyre "the city of Shalmaiati," but that was a warning to the overlord of Egypt that the future held little or no tribute nor service from Tyre for him. The Tyrian preferred the tyranny of the Assyrian to the ravages of Azira. From the usurper of Aram (Syria) he perceived only one way to escape. "Look," he wrote to his former Egyptian godling, "the man of Beruta [Beirut] has gone in a ship, and the man of Sidon goes away in two ships, and I go away with all your ships and my whole city "(51)

Nevertheless, Menander of Ephesus, the historian of the Tyrian kings, who "took many pains to learn their history out of their own records," observed that "Pygmalion" went on governing Tyre for forty years. The prince apparently made an expensive peace with Hazael-Azira. Only the princess Elissa, and a company of Tyrian elders and warriors loyal to her, sailed away from the parched metropolis. The legend of "Pygmalion's" murder of their uncle, her husband, may be true; also the story of her landing in Cyprus and kidnapping girls for her companions with which to people Carthage (New Town).

An old Roman tradition tells us that Elissa had reasons to expect a warmer welcome in Cyprus than she is said to have received. Her father, Belus, had done more than settle Sidonian countrymen there; he battled the natives for years until they submitted to his rule. Later, the great warrior Teucer came to Belus (after the former's expulsion from his island home of Salamis by the shores of Greece) and won the help of the Sidonian king in winning a kingdom in Cyprus. He built a city there which he named Salamis after his home in Greece, and founded a dynasty of kings which traced their descent from him. The main ritual performed in the temple precinct at Salamis by the priest-kings followed the "Phoenician" fashion: the Teucrians practiced human sacrifices there which came to an end only under the sway of the Roman Emperor Hadrian.(52)

The politico-religious deeds of Tyre and Teucer on Cyprus remind one of Jezebel's father, Ethbaal, who had been a priest of Astarte in Tyre before he killed the king called Phales and founded a new Sidonian dynasty. We are told by Josephus, quoting Menander, that Ethbaal built the city of Botrys twelve miles north of Byblos in Canaan and the city of Auza in North Africa.(53)

While the exact present locale of Auza is uncertain, Botrys has been identified as the city of Batruna known to us from the el-Amarna letters.(54) There is no testimony of the town's existence prior to the writing of those letters. Thus, we must ask: How long will Egyptologists ignore the evidence of the el-Amama correspondence, with its reference to Botrys or Batruna among so many other things, and fail to recognize that the Pharaonic recipients Amenhotep III and Akhnaton of that correspondence lived after the enthronement of Ethbaal (ca. 890 B.C.)?


l. I. Velikovsky, Ages in Chaos (Doubleday: N. Y., 1952), pp. 223-335.
2. Ibid., p. 3 21.
3. Ibid., pp. 234-237. For additional identifications, see pp. 237ff. and 217, 277, 287,290, 309, 311, 312
4. Ibid.,pp. 317-319.
5. See "Pygmalion" and "Galatea" in The New Century Classical Handbook, ed. by C. B. Avery (N. Y., 1962), pp. 948 and 488; also see "Greek Mythology" in the Larousse Encyclopedia of Mythology (N. Y., 1960), p. 148.
6. G. Herm, The Pheonicians: The Purple Empire of the Ancient World (N. Y., 1975), p. 183 (emphasis added).
7. Josephus, Against Apion, I.116 (Loeb edition).
8. Justin, Epitome, 18.16. Dido appears to be Vergil's variation of Dodi, the Hebrew for "My Darling". The so-called "Phoenicians" spoke and wrote Hebrew.
9. S. Gsell, Histoire ancienne de l'Afrique du nord (Paris, 1913), I, pp. 391ff, Cp. Donner-Röllig, Kanaanaische und Aramaische Inschriften (Wiesbaden, 1964), III, 51.
10. Donner-Röllig, op. cit., Text 46.
11. G. A. Cooke Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions (Oxford, 1903), pp. 55-56,349 11a. Ibid., p. 55.
12. C. H. Gordon, "Vergil and the Bible World," in Gratz College Anniversary Volume (Phila., 1971), p. 129.
13. See "Pygmies" in The New Century Classical Handbook, op. cit., p. 948, G. Becatti "Pigmei," Enciclopedia Dell'Arte Antica VI (Rome, 1965), pp. 167-169.
14. I. Velikovsky, Oedipus and Akhnaton (N. Y., 1960), pp. 55 and 57.
15. See A. H. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs (Oxford, 1964), pp. 352-353.
16. See Diodorus Siculus, 11, 4; Lucian, De Dea Syria, 14 and n. 3 (Loeb edition).
17. R. A. S. Macalister, The Philistines: Their History and Civilization (London, 1913) pp. 94ff. Cp. D. A. Courville, The Exodus Problem II, pp. 320-321.
18. R. H. Hewsen, "Eastern Anatolia and Velikovsky's Chronological Revisions I," KRONOS, I, 3 (Fall-1975), p. 23. (Greek speech might have transformed the royal name or title, Abimilki, into the mocking name Pygmalion thus:
19. See J. Gray, "Molech, Moloch" Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible III (N. Y., 1962), p. 422. On the question of Moloch as a deity, see Ibid., W. F. Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan (Garden City, N. Y., 1968), p. 236, D. Harden, The Phoenicians (N. Y., 1962), p. 226, n. 83. But also see J. Gray, The Canaanites (N. Y., 1964), pp. 124-125.
20. Harden, op. cit., p. 85.
21. Justin, Epitome, 18.4. Justin calls Dido's husband Acerbas, but Servius (On the Aeneid, i.343) declares his name was Sicharbas; Vergil employed a variant, Sichaeus. Justin states that the priest was Dido's uncle.
22. Justin, loc. cit. Compare the Bible account of how King Ahab coveted the land-wealth of Naboth and how his Tyrian wife, Jezebel, obtained it for him by the device of official homicide (I Kings 21).
23. Josephus, op. cit., 1.125.
24. G. C. Picard and C. Picard, The Life and Death of Carthage (N. Y. 1968) pp. 29-30. "Two facts have been responsible for this confusion. First of all, Carthage has no chronology of its own, with 'year one' as the date of the founding of the city. Literary tradition remains silent in this connection, Punic coins bear no date, and the method of dating an inscription was to refer to the magistrates holding office in that particular year. 'City Chronologies' were, in fact, a Greek invention which the Romans, and later the whole civilized world, adopted."
25. B. H. Warmington, Carthage (Penguin Books: Baltimore, 1964), p. 22.
26. Ibid.; But see M. Grant, Roman Myths (N. Y., 1971), p. 97 - "This date, however, bore no relation to any historical facts or deductions."
27. Justin, 18.6- Eusebius places the founding of Carthage 133 years after the fall of Troy, Philistus places it 37 or 50 years before the fall of Troy - see Eusebius' Chronicon, 971, 798.
28. Warmington, op. cit., p. 25.
29. Josephus, loc. cit.
30. See Harden, op. cit., p. 53.
31. Velikovsky, Ages in Chaos, pp. 229 and 308.
32. See pp. 72-75 in this issue of KRONOS.
33. Vergil, Aeneid I, 621; Servius, i.343, 642, 729; Grant, op. cit., p. 83.
34. Manuscript variants of "Pygmalion's" father's name are Matgenes, Meton, and Mitten (Josephus,1.125). (Also Mittin in some modern accounts.)
35. Cp. Harden, loc. cit., Mattan-Baal may have arrived on the Tyrian throne in the 850's B.C.
36. See The Encyclopedia of World History, 5th ed. (N. Y., 1975), contribution by Frank M. Cross, Jr., p. 48. There is an obvious disagreement among scholars over the names and regnal dates of the royal house of Tyre in the ninth and eighth centuries.
37. D. D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia (Chicago, 1926), 1, sec. 672; Ancient Near Eastem Texts, ed. by J. Pritchard (3rd ed., Princeton, 1969), p. 280.
38. II Kings 8:13.
39. Velikovsky, Ages in Chaos, pp. 223-335.
40. See S. Freud, Moses and Monotheism (Vintage Books, N. Y., 1967), Monotheism and Moses, ed. by R. J. Christen and H. E. Hazelton (D. C. Heath & Co., Lexington, Mass., 1969).
41. J. D. S. Pendlebury, The Archaeology of Crete (N. Y., 1965 ed.), p. 300.
42. R. Stuckenrath, Jr. and E. K. Ralph, "University of Pennsylvania Radiocarbon Dates, VIII," Radiocarbon (Yale University, 1965), 7, p. 196.
43. See Pensee, I (May,1972), note one, p. 23; Pensee VI (Winter, 1973-74), pp. 17, 18-19.
44. Samuel A. B. Mercer, The Tell-el,AmarnaTablets (Toronto, 1939), Letter No. 151.
45. B. Hrozný, "Les loniens à Ras-Shamra," Archiv Orientální; IV (1932), p. 171; quoted by Velikovsky, Ages in Chaos, p. 221.
46. Luckenbill, op. cit.,I, 609; Velikovsky, Ages in Chaos, p. 309.
47. See Velikovsky, Ibid., p. 186.
48. Ibid., pp. 237 and n. 15 and pp. 294ff.
49. Mercer, op. cit., Letter No. 155;Velikovsky, Ibid., p. 318.
50. Hosea 10: 14.
51. Mercer, loc. cit.; Velikovsky, Ages in Chaos, p. 319.
52. Servius, i.619; Pausanias, i.28.12, VIII. 15.3. Teucer was a half-brother of the hero Ajax, son of the same father, Telamon of Salamis. Salamis banished Teucer for not bringing home his brother's bones from the battlefield of "the holy citadel of the Lion" (Troy). I do take seriously the picture presented by Vergil of the Trojan War taking place not long before Queen Dido (Elissa) ordained the cornerstone of Carthage. Justin(18.3) says that the Sidonians built Tyrein the year before the capture of Troy, but he did not bother to disclose which of the nine Troys known to us he had in mind.
53. Josephus, Jewish Antiquities (Whiston trans.), VIII, 13.121; Against Apion, 1.116.
54. See Velikovsky, Ages in Chaos, p. 231 and n. 6 and p. 232.

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